Recasens (2024). The Effect of Manner of Articulation and Syllable Affiliation on Tongue Configuration for Catalan Stop-Liquid and Liquid-Stop Sequences: An Ultrasound Study

Autors:

Daniel Recasens

Títol:

The Effect of Manner of Articulation and Syllable Affiliation on Tongue Configuration for Catalan Stop-Liquid and Liquid-Stop Sequences: An Ultrasound Study

Editorial: Languages, MDPI
Data de publicació: 27 juny 2024

Text complet

The present study reports tongue configuration data recorded with ultrasound for two sets of consonant sequences uttered by five native Catalan speakers. Articulatory data for the onset cluster pairs [kl]-[ɣl] and [kɾ]-[ɣɾ], and also for [l#k]-[l#ɣ] and [r#k]-[r#ɣ], analyzed in the first part of the investigation revealed that, as a general rule, the (shorter) velar approximant is less constricted than the (longer) voiceless velar stop at the velar and palatal zones while exhibiting a more retracted tongue body at the pharynx. These manner of articulation-dependent differences may extend into the preceding liquid. Data for [k#l]-[kl] and [k#r]-[kɾ] dealt with in the second part of the study show that the velar is articulated with more tongue body retraction for [k#l] vs. [kl] and for [k#r] vs. [kɾ], and with a higher tongue dorsum for [k#l] vs. [kl] and the reverse for [k#r] vs. [kɾ]. Therefore, clusters are produced with a more extreme lingual configuration across a word boundary than in syllable-onset position, which at least in part may be predicted by segmental factors for the [k#r]-[kɾ] pair. These articulatory data are compared with duration data for all sequence pairs.

Mendia & Espinal (2024). Non-agreeing degree constructions

Autors:

Jon Ander Mendia & Maria Teresa Espinal

Títol:

Non-agreeing degree constructions

Editorial: Journal of Linguistics (Cambridge University Press)
Data de publicació: Online: 4 juny 2024
Pàgines: 36

Text complet

This paper deals with a construction, which we dub Non-Agreeing Degree (NAD) constructions, with the distinguishing property that the agreement pattern between subjects and degree predicates is optionally disrupted, even in languages (like Spanish) where verbs commonly agree with their subjects. We show that the agreeing versus non-agreeing alternation comes with important semantic differences for the interpretation of the degree construction. We provide a first systematic description of this type of constructions and postulate a formal syntactic and semantic analysis. We argue that NAD constructions are characterized by degree predicates that introduce a non-conventional nominal scale and by subjects that are interpreted as equally non-conventional units of measurement. We postulate an intensionalization process on the subject of NAD constructions, which we capture via a general nominalization function that allows a default as well as an ordinary agreement pattern between subject and copula.

Faust & Torres-Tamarit (2024). Metrically conditioned /a/-syncope in Modern Hebrew compounds

torres 2024

Autors:

Noam Faust & Francesc Torres-Tamarit

Títol:

Metrically conditioned /a/-syncope in Modern Hebrew compounds

Editorial: Natural Language & Linguistic Theory (Springer Link)
Data de publicació: 29 maig 2024

Text complet

In Modern Hebrew, some, but not all, nominals exhibit obligatory /a/-syncope in open syllables if they are antepretonic in a simple (nominal) word. The same vowels optionally syncopate in any pretonic syllable in non-final members of compounds. Here we first show that syncope in compounds fills a gap in the typology of weak positions. We then propose a formal analysis in Gradient Harmonic Grammar (Smolensky and Goldrick 2016), which distinguishes between a weak /a/ and a strong /a/. Only the former undergoes syncope in both configurations; and only in non-compounds is it protected by a positional faithfulness constraint referencing the head foot of the prosodic word. Optionality in compounds is shown to follow from Base-Derivative faithfulness.

Etxeberria, Espinal & Tubau (2024). Establishing the limits between Polarity Sensitivity, Negative Polarity and Negative Concord

Autors:

Urtzi Etxeberria, M.Teresa Espinal & Susagna Tubau

Títol:

Establishing the limits between Polarity Sensitivity, Negative Polarity and Negative Concord

Editorial: Linguistic Typology (de Gruyter)
Data de publicació: 4 d'abril del 2024

Text complet

In this paper, by focussing on the behaviour of polarity elements from a variety of languages from different language families (namely, Basque, Hindi, English, Romanian, Spanish, Greek, Czech, and Russian) we investigate the relationship between Polarity Sensitive Items (PSIs) and Negative Polarity Items (NPIs) on the one hand, and between PSIs and Negative Concord items (NCIs) on the other. Based on a number of contrasts that we find, we argue that: (i) if a language has PSIs it does not necessarily have NCIs; (ii) PSIs need to be distinguished from NPIs; (iii) NCIs emerge as a subtype of PSIs, not of NPIs; and (iv) all languages that show Negative Concord (NC) also have Polarity Sensitivity (PS), but the opposite does not hold. We thus postulate that PS is a general phenomenon across languages with Negative Polarity (NPol) and NC as possible subtypes of PS but independent among them, and argue against the standard hypothesis that NC is a special subtype of NPol.

Repiso-Puigdelliura (2024). Preferential use of full glottal stops in vowel-initial glottalization in child speech: Evidence from novel words

Autors:

Gemma Repiso-Puigdelliura

Títol:

Preferential use of full glottal stops in vowel-initial glottalization in child speech: Evidence from novel words

Editorial: Journal of Child Language (Cambridge University Press)
Data de publicació: 3 d'octubre 2024

Text complet

Vowel-initial glottalization constitutes a cue to prosodic prominence, realized on a strength continuum from creaky phonation to complete glottal stops. While there is considerable research on children’s early utilization of acoustic cues for stress marking, less is understood about the specific implementation of vowel-initial glottalization in American English. Eight sequences of function + novel words were elicited from groups of 5-to-8-year-olds, 8-to-11-year-olds, and adults. Children exhibit a similar rate of prevocalic glottalization to adults but differ in its phonetic implementation, producing a higher rate of glottal stops compared to creaky phonation with respect to adults.