1 març, 2024
Autors:
Daniel Recasens
Títol:
Dynamic blending and assimilation in Catalan lingual fricative sequences. An ultrasound and acoustic studyEditorial: Journal of the International Phonetic Association, Cambridge University Press
Data de publicació: 29 de febrer del 2024
Text completUltrasound and center of gravity frequency data for the sequences /ʃ#s/ and /s#ʃ/ produced by Central Catalan speakers reveal that the former sequence is implemented through continuous articulatory and spectral trajectories which, depending on speaker, may be: intermediate between /ʃ/ and /s/ all throughout, thus supporting a dynamic blending mechanism; /ʃ/-like at onset and intermediate between the two fricatives at offset, which is indicative of C1-to-C2 carryover coarticulation. The sequence /s#ʃ/, on the other hand, undergoes regressive assimilation into [ʃ(ʃ)] according to the acoustic signal but less clearly so in the light of the articulatory data. This discrepancy appears to be due to the fact that, while C1=/s/ assimilates indeed to C2=/ʃ/ at constriction location, coarticulation-induced changes in tongue body configuration behind the primary articulator may occur as long as they do not jeopardize the front-cavity dependent frequency characteristics of the [ʃ] frication noise. Differences in articulatory complexity between /ʃ#s/ and /s#ʃ/ appear to result from the production mechanisms involved, i.e., tongue dorsum raising behind the /s/ constriction for /s#ʃ/ and tongue body repositioning for /ʃ#s/. In agreement with this interpretation, /ʃ#s/ but not /s#ʃ/ turned out to be longer than /s#s/ and /ʃ#ʃ/.
17 setembre, 2020
Autors:
Javier Fernández Sánchez & Dennis Ott
Títol:
DislocationsEditorial: Language and Linguistics Compass, Vol.14 issue 9 (John Wiley & Sons Ltd)
Data de publicació: Setembre 2020
Text completDislocation is a kind of construction in which a phrasal constituent (the dislocate) appears at the outer left or right edge of a gap-less clause (its host) that contains a pronominal correlate of the dislocate. Dislocations are widely attested and presumably universally available across languages. The construction raises a number of problems for core assumptions of syntactic theory, in that these assumptions appear to thwart any coherent resolution of the question of how the dislocate relates to the internal structure of its host. This contribution is divided into two parts. In Part 1, we review central empirical properties of dislocation, which, taken together, appear to defy the laws of syntax as commonly assumed. In Part 2, we review key proposals that have emerged over the last decennia to resolve this paradox and restore dislocations to normalcy.
19 abril, 2024
Autors:
Evelina Leivada, Vittoria Dentella & Fritz Günther
Títol:
Biolinguistics, vol.18Editorial: PsychOpen
Data de publicació: 19 abril, 2024
Text completWe identify and analyze three caveats that may arise when analyzing the linguistic abilities of Large Language Models. The problem of unlicensed generalizations refers to the danger of interpreting performance in one task as predictive of the models’ overall capabilities, based on the assumption that because a specific task performance is indicative of certain underlying capabilities in humans, the same association holds for models. The human-like paradox refers to the problem of lacking human comparisons, while at the same time attributing human-like abilities to the models. Last, the problem of double standards refers to the use of tasks and methodologies that either cannot be applied to humans or they are evaluated differently in models vs. humans. While we recognize the impressive linguistic abilities of LLMs, we conclude that specific claims about the models’ human-likeness in the grammatical domain are premature.
26 agost, 2024
Autors:
Evelina Leivada, Fritz Günther & Vittoria Dentella
Títol:
Reply to Hu et al: Applying different evaluation standards to humans vs. Large Language Models overestimates AI performanceEditorial: PNAS 121(36), e2406752121 (National Academy of Sciences)
Data de publicació: 26 d'agost, 2024
Text completDentella et al. (DGL) argued that 3 Large Language Models (LLMs) perform almost at chance in grammaticality judgment tasks, while revealing an absence of response stability (1). Hu et al.’s (HEA) “re-evaluation” led to different conclusions (2). HEA argue that i) “LLMs align with human judgments on key grammatical constructions,” ii) LLMs show “human-like grammatical generalization capabilities,” while iii) grammaticality judgments (GJs) are not the best evaluation method because they “systematically underestimate” these capabilities. While HEA’s aim to elucidate the abilities of LLMs is laudable, their claims are fraught with interpretative difficulties.
3 setembre, 2024
Autors:
Anna Gavarró & Alejandra Keidel
Títol:
Subject-verb agreement: Three experiments on CatalanEditorial: First Language (Sage Journals)
Data de publicació: Agost, 2024
Pàgines: 22 Text completThis study delves into the syntactic parsing abilities of children and infants exposed to Catalan as their first language. Focusing first on ages 3 to 6, we conducted two sentence-picture matching tasks. In experiment 1, 3 to 4-year-old children failed in identifying singular third-person subjects within null-subject sentences, although they performed above chance in all other scenarios, including plural third-person subjects and sentences with overt full DP subjects. This is reminiscent of the results of Pérez-Leroux for Spanish. In experiment 2, with the same design but involving numeral distractors, children’s performance was above chance level across all conditions from age 3 to 4. Then, in experiment 3, we moved to a younger age range with the help of eye-tracking techniques. The findings revealed that infants at 22 months had the ability to parse subject–verb agreement in sentences with third-person null subjects, and at 19 months there was evidence of parsing for third-person plural null subjects. These findings are inconsistent with the perception of children grappling with syntactic agreement computation. We argue that instances of underperformance in subject–verb agreement parsing identified in the literature often stem from task-related and pragmatic issues rather than core syntactic delay. If so, the putative asymmetry between early production of verbal inflection and late comprehension disappears; rather, the results suggest early establishment of matching operations and mastery of language-specific agreement properties before production starts.
