12 gener, 2013

Autors:
V. Acedo-Matellán & J. Mateu
Títol:
Probus, International Journal of Latin and Romance LinguisticsEditorial: De Gruyter
Data de publicació: Gener del 2013
ISBN13: https://doi.org/10.1515/probus-2013-0008
Més informacióIn this paper we are interested in the relation between two facts accompanying the diachronic change from Latin to Romance within the domain of the morphological and argument-structural properties of the predicates expressing change. On the one hand, the element encoding the transition itself, which we call the Path, and the verb are realised as two distinct morphemes in Latin, but as one and the same morpheme in the daughter languages: in Talmy's (2000) terms, the former is a satellite-framed language and the latter are verb-framed languages. On the other hand, there is a whole range of argument-structural patterns which are found in Latin but not in Romance: unselected object constructions, complex directed motion constructions, productive locative alternation, etc. We show, within a syntactic view of argument structure and morphology, that both facts are intimately related. Furthermore, we provide data from Old Catalan showing an intermediate stage between the Latin satellite-framed system and the Romance verb-framed system.
2 setembre, 2026

Autors:
Jaume Mateu & Diana Gómez-Vázquez
Títol:
The locative alternation with intransitive verbs in LatinEditorial: Journal of Latin Linguistics
Col·lecció: Journal of Latin LinguisticsData de publicació: 2026
Més informació
Text complet
Abstract
The locative alternation with intransitive verbs, which is quite productive in English, is also shown to be attested in Latin. In the theme/figure subject variant, the location surfaces as an oblique complement: e.g. oculis micat acribus ignis (Verg. Aen. 12.102) and Et resonet tota planctus in Aemilia (Mart. 6.85.6). In contrast, in the location/ground subject variant, the theme is typically expresssed via a nominal phrase in the ablative case (and less frequently in the genitive case): e.g. et crebris micat ignibus aether (Verg. Aen. 1.90) and resonat magnis plangoribus aether (Verg. Aen. 4.668). The two variants are shown to involve a different syntactico-semantic construal, with a different pragmatics as well. The meaning of the location subject variant is shown to go beyond the well-known “holistic effect” (i.e. its subject is “fully affected”): this variant entails theme and event abundance and so-called “dynamic texture”, whereby the events described by the verb happen simultaneously and repetitively throughout all parts of a space. Finally, we also provide a sketch of our syntactic approach to the event structure of some relevant verbs that enter into the intransitive locative alternation in Latin.
9 juny, 2026

Autors:
Teresa Cabré, Maria Ohannesian, Francesc Torres-Tamarit
Títol:
Los verbos acabados en -uir y las desinencias verbales del español.Editorial: Verba
Col·lecció: VerbaData de publicació: Juny 2026
Més informacióThis paper proposes a morphological segmentation of the regular Spanish verbal paradigm that significantly simplifies its analysis. In the proposed model, the thematic vowel (TV) is always present in the underlying representation of all verbal forms of the three conjugations, either as stressed or as pre-accented. This analysis offers several advantages over more traditional approaches, such as those represented by recent grammars by the Royal Spanish Academy, since it allows the morphological structure of the three regular conjugations to be unified, including verbs whose root ends in a vowel, like those ending in -uir, with an /i/ following the root that has usually been analysed as an antihiatic epenthetic segment. The model also establishes that the thematic vowel of the first, second, and third conjugations is respectively /a/, /e/, and /i/ throughout the present stem and in forms historically derived from the infinitive. In the rest of the paradigm, the first conjugation maintains /a/, whereas the second and third display a common pattern with the alternation /i ~ je/, interpreted synchronically as allomorphy. Surface differences derive from general phonological principles of Spanish, in particular stress assignment and the productive process of stem-final vowel deletion. Tense-aspect-mood morphemes are also regularised.