Cabré, Torres-Tamarit & Vanrell (2021). Hypocoristic truncation in Sardinian

Autors:

Teresa Cabré, Francesc Torres-Tamarit i Maria del Mar Vanrell

Títol:

Hypocoristic truncation in Sardinian, Linguistics vol. 59(3)

Editorial: De Gruyter
Data de publicació: 30 abril 2021

Més informació

This article focuses on hypocoristic truncation in Sardinian. Besides disyllabic truncation, hypocoristic truncation in Sardinian also yields trisyllabic truncated forms by means of a process of reduplicative prefixation (e.g., Totore ← Servatore) and, more interestingly, a process of copy of what is analyzed as an internally layered ternary foot (e.g., (Va(tore)) ← Servatore). In this paper we develop an OT analysis of hypocoristic truncation based on output-output correspondence relations between bases and truncated morphemes that gives further support to internally layered ternary feet in the domain of the phonology–morphology interface.

Cabré (2022). Syncretism and ordering in the evolution of Catalan pronominal clitic clusters

Autors:

Teresa Cabré

Títol:

Syncretism and ordering in the evolution of Catalan pronominal clitic clusters

Editorial: Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics, 11(1), pp. 173-190
Data de publicació: Maig de 2022

Més informació

This paper examines the 3rd person clitic combinations found in a digital corpus of Catalan texts dating from the 11th century to the first half of the 18th (the CICA) and attempts to clarify the origin of the current clitic system of colloquial non-Valencian Catalan. Scrutiny of the database shows that the locative HI (i.e., hi or its variants í/y/hic) replaced the canonical dative clitic of 3rd person clusters in the 14th-15th centuries in both singular and plural forms, contrary to what has previously been claimed. The medieval patterns of usage that the data reveal are very close to those occurring in colloquial non-Valencian Catalan as it is spoken nowadays, as opposed to those seen in Valencian Catalan, where a locative clitic is no longer present. On the basis of the CICA’ data, we argue that the incompatibility of plural morpheme combinations in Old Catalan—among other reasons—forced the generalization of the morpheme /i/ as a dative marker, thus converting it into the true ‘elsewhere’ item of the Catalan clitic system. The similarity between medieval and modern colloquial non-Valencian Catalan clitic forms allows us to analyze them in the same way. Specifically, we suggest that there is only one clitic area for these clusters in which the HI works as a place nominal located structurally in the nominal layer.

Cabré, Teresa, Maria Ohannesian i Francesc Torres-Tamarit. 2026. Los verbos acabados en -uir y las desinencias verbales del español.

Autors:

Teresa Cabré, Maria Ohannesian, Francesc Torres-Tamarit

Títol:

Los verbos acabados en -uir y las desinencias verbales del español.

Editorial: Verba
Col·lecció:
Data de publicació: Juny 2026

Més informació

This paper proposes a morphological segmentation of the regular Spanish verbal paradigm that significantly simplifies its analysis. In the proposed model, the thematic vowel (TV) is always present in the underlying representation of all verbal forms of the three conjugations, either as stressed or as pre-accented. This analysis offers several advantages over more traditional approaches, such as those represented by recent grammars by the Royal Spanish Academy, since it allows the morphological structure of the three regular conjugations to be unified, including verbs whose root ends in a vowel, like those ending in -uir, with an /i/ following the root that has usually been analysed as an antihiatic epenthetic segment. The model also establishes that the thematic vowel of the first, second, and third conjugations is respectively /a/, /e/, and /i/ throughout the present stem and in forms historically derived from the infinitive. In the rest of the paradigm, the first conjugation maintains /a/, whereas the second and third display a common pattern with the alternation /i ~ je/, interpreted synchronically as allomorphy. Surface differences derive from general phonological principles of Spanish, in particular stress assignment and the productive process of stem-final vowel deletion. Tense-aspect-mood morphemes are also regularised.