15 juny, 2021
Autors:
Teresa Cabré, Francesc Torres-Tamarit i Maria del Mar Vanrell
Títol:
Hypocoristic truncation in Sardinian, Linguistics vol. 59(3)Editorial: De Gruyter
Data de publicació: 30 abril 2021
Més informacióThis article focuses on hypocoristic truncation in Sardinian. Besides disyllabic truncation, hypocoristic truncation in Sardinian also yields trisyllabic truncated forms by means of a process of reduplicative prefixation (e.g., Totore ← Servatore) and, more interestingly, a process of copy of what is analyzed as an internally layered ternary foot (e.g., (Va(tore)) ← Servatore). In this paper we develop an OT analysis of hypocoristic truncation based on output-output correspondence relations between bases and truncated morphemes that gives further support to internally layered ternary feet in the domain of the phonology–morphology interface.
18 gener, 2022
Autors:
Teresa Cabré
Títol:
Syncretism and ordering in the evolution of Catalan pronominal clitic clustersEditorial: Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics, 11(1), pp. 173-190
Data de publicació: Maig de 2022
Més informacióThis paper examines the 3rd person clitic combinations found in a digital corpus of Catalan texts dating from the 11th century to the first half of the 18th (the CICA) and attempts to clarify the origin of the current clitic system of colloquial non-Valencian Catalan. Scrutiny of the database shows that the locative HI (i.e., hi or its variants í/y/hic) replaced the canonical dative clitic of 3rd person clusters in the 14th-15th centuries in both singular and plural forms, contrary to what has previously been claimed. The medieval patterns of usage that the data reveal are very close to those occurring in colloquial non-Valencian Catalan as it is spoken nowadays, as opposed to those seen in Valencian Catalan, where a locative clitic is no longer present. On the basis of the CICA’ data, we argue that the incompatibility of plural morpheme combinations in Old Catalan—among other reasons—forced the generalization of the morpheme /i/ as a dative marker, thus converting it into the true ‘elsewhere’ item of the Catalan clitic system. The similarity between medieval and modern colloquial non-Valencian Catalan clitic forms allows us to analyze them in the same way. Specifically, we suggest that there is only one clitic area for these clusters in which the HI works as a place nominal located structurally in the nominal layer.
