BEGIN:VCALENDAR
VERSION:2.0
METHOD:PUBLISH
CALSCALE:GREGORIAN
PRODID:-//WordPress - MECv7.33.0//EN
X-ORIGINAL-URL:https://clt.uab.cat/
X-WR-CALNAME:CLT Centre de Lingüística Teòrica
X-WR-CALDESC:Grup de Recerca Consolidat Gran des del 1993 i reconegut com a Centre d&#039;Estudis i Recerca de la UAB el 2006.
X-WR-TIMEZONE:Europe/Madrid
BEGIN:VTIMEZONE
TZID:Europe/Madrid
X-LIC-LOCATION:Europe/Madrid
BEGIN:DAYLIGHT
TZOFFSETFROM:+0100
TZOFFSETTO:+0200
TZNAME:CEST
DTSTART:20260329T030000
RRULE:FREQ=YEARLY;BYMONTH=03;BYDAY=-1SU
END:DAYLIGHT
BEGIN:STANDARD
TZOFFSETFROM:+0200
TZOFFSETTO:+0100
TZNAME:CET
DTSTART:20261025T020000
RRULE:FREQ=YEARLY;BYMONTH=10;BYDAY=4SU
END:STANDARD
END:VTIMEZONE
REFRESH-INTERVAL;VALUE=DURATION:PT1H
X-PUBLISHED-TTL:PT1H
X-MS-OLK-FORCEINSPECTOROPEN:TRUE
BEGIN:VEVENT
CLASS:PUBLIC
UID:MEC-211a7a84d3d5ce4d80347da11e0c85ed@clt.uab.cat
DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Madrid:20190531T173000
DTEND;TZID=Europe/Madrid:20190531T180000
DTSTAMP:20190524T090423Z
CREATED:20190524
LAST-MODIFIED:20220531
PRIORITY:5
SEQUENCE:1
TRANSP:OPAQUE
SUMMARY:Alejo Alcaraz: Bigger than a null object. VP-Ellipsis in Spanish
DESCRIPTION:Seminari del CLT\nBigger than a null object. VP-Ellipsis in Spanish\nALEJO ALCARAZ (UPV / EHU)\nDivendres, 31 de maig de 2019\nAula 202, 15:30\nAs originally observed by Campos (1986), Spanish allows for bare plurals (BPs) -as well as mass nouns- to be null in object position, as in (1B).\n(1)\nA. ¿Compraste [café /regalos]1?\nbought.2sgS coffee/gifts\n‘Did you buy coffee/gifts?’\nB. Sí, compré1\nYes, bought.1sgS\n‘Yes, I did.’\nThis author further observes that null objects may appear inside embedded clauses, as in (2a), but they are forbidden to appear in syntactic islands, as illustrated in (2b). This observation leads Campos (1986) to analyze the null object in (1B) in terms of a variable bound by a null operator OP, as in (4). Since the null object is not licensed in wh-questions either, as in (2c), Campos (1986) further claims that OP moves into [Spec, CP] so it incurs a doubly- filled Comp violation in the structure that corresponds to (2c).\n(2)\na. [CP OP1 [Juan me dijo [CP que [VP traería ]]]\nJuan 1sgO told that will.bring\n‘Juan told me that he will bring (some).’\nb. *[CP OP1 [No conozco al [NP muchacho que [VP trajo ]]]\nnot know.1sgS the boy that brought.3sS\n‘I never meet the guy which brought (some).’\n c. *¿[CP OP1 Quién Co [TP le ha [VP traído t1]]?\nWho 3sg.IO has brought\n‘Who has brought him (some)?\nFrom a minimalist standpoint, however, technical implementations like that in Campos (1986) that model covert movement phenomena in terms of null operators turns out to be suspicious, as the null operator has no properties at the interfaces; i.e., it lacks of phonological content, as well as semantic import (cf. 6). In this talk, I provide new empirical evidence against Campos’ (1986) analysis, and put forth an alternative analysis of the null object phenomena under consideration in terms of verb stranding VPE (Goldberg 2005).\n
URL:https://clt.uab.cat/activitats_clt/alejo-alcaraz-bigger-than-a-null-object-vp-ellipsis-in-spanish/
ORGANIZER;CN=Centre de Lingüística Teòrica:MAILTO:cr.clt@uab.cat
CATEGORIES:Seminaris
LOCATION:Campus UAB, Bellaterra (Barcelona)
ATTACH;FMTTYPE=image/jpeg:https://clt.uab.cat/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/alcaraz_alejo.jpg
END:VEVENT
END:VCALENDAR
